Obama scores poorly in working with Congress on legislation - Washington Times
The th Congress, the session that ran from January 3, through President Obama for the first time faced a Congress where both chambers U.S. relations with Saudi Arabia, a rare erstwhile ally in the Middle East. It's happened over and over again since A deadline quickly approaches. Congressional Republicans and President Barack Obama are. William Galston assesses President Obama's first two years in office and The White House and congressional leaders, he says, pursued an agenda that the to repair his administration's damaged relationship with corporate America, and.
White House-Congress relations could get even more polarized if, in this fall's midterm elections, the GOP takes the Senate, where it needs a net gain of only six seats.
Yet big issues, in addition to immigration, remain unresolved: With three years to go in this presidency, can the relationship between Obama and Congress be saved in hopes of getting some business done? Or perhaps more realistically, can the relationship at least be improved? Decoder can stump you!
Pinpointing the genesis of today's White House-Congress feud is like trying to unravel the rivalry between the Hatfields and McCoys. The most obvious cause iswhen the tea party movement poured enough Republicans into the House to flush Democrats from power and Rep. Nancy Pelosi D of California from the speaker's chair.
A review of the – Congress, the last Congress of the Obama Administration
Olympia Snowe R of Maine points to the very start of the Obama administration, when the president and Democrats in Congress passed expensive and expansive legislation along party lines. That fueled "big government" concerns among Republicans and ignited the burner under the teakettle. Wall Street reform went through later that year.
In her book "Fighting for Common Ground," Snowe recounts the president's many attempts to reach out to her during the health-care debate — at least eight meetings with him and more than a dozen phone calls. He made one last attempt shortly before Christmas inwhen they met at the White House during a snowstorm, Snowe recalls. With a fire roaring in the fireplace, Obama urged her to support the final vote on the legislation.
She regretfully declined, explaining that despite all their exchanges and her meetings with Senate Democrats, there had been no headway on any of the issues she had discussed — such as her objection to the way penalties would be assessed for failure to adhere to the so-called individual mandate. It was "all windup and no pitch," she writes. It launched today's era of polarization, playing out in President Clinton 's impeachment and under President George W.
The polarization continues to drive moderates such as Snowe from Congress, and it feeds itself as each side responds to what it sees as the latest indignity lobbed from the other side, says James Thurbera congressional expert at American University in Washington. Such dynamics exist in the immigration debate. Thurber characterizes GOP comments about an untrustworthy and lawless Obama as "quite offensive" messaging, given the lengthy history of presidents using their executive power.
Specifically, Republicans criticize the president for independently deciding, rather than working with Congress, to defer deportations for children of illegal immigrants. They say he has inflated the number of removals at the border by changing the counting method, and they criticize a steep drop in deportations from the interior of the country.
GOP lawmakers also point to a host of other executive actions that they say are excessive: Lack of trust "is an overriding issue that covers far more than immigration," says Rep.
Lamar Smith R of Texas. Obama may not have signed as many executive orders as previous presidents, he says, but their scope is breathtaking. On immigration, the White House has responded that the "trust" accusation doesn't stand up to scrutiny.
It's merely cover for the speaker's inability to control his divided caucus on this issue, Democrats say. More broadly, Obama has said he's being forced to act on his own because he can't get cooperation from Congress.
So wherever and whenever I can take steps without legislation to expand opportunity for more American families, that's what I'm going to do. Obama's legislative scorecard with Congress — what's called the "presidential success rate" — is not as bad as one might think. Most presidents going back to Dwight Eisenhower have, at some point during their time in the Oval Office, batted in that range or even lower. Even in Obama's worst legislative year so far —when his presidential success rate was 54 percent — he outperformed Richard Nixon's lowest score from Obama also scored higher than Mr.
Clinton's nadir in Bush, in It's important to remember that the slope from Capitol Hill to the White House is not supposed to be some downhill ski course where the president zooms toward victory after dropping off his latest idea at the starting gate of Congress. The Founding Fathers built lots of moguls to slow things down and even stop them.
Those include two equal branches of Congress — not always held by the same party or the president's party; varying election schedules — two years for the House, six years for the Senate, four years for the president; different constituencies — from districts, to states, to a nation; and other checks and balances, such as the presidential veto. What's notable about the Obama-Congress relationship is how steeply it declined.
Inthe newly elected president of hope and change had the highest presidential success rate with Congress in the history of the modern presidency — Clinton, however, fell even further after the Republican sweep in the midterms — and he made a remarkable recovery by finding common ground with Speaker Gingrich.McConnell on His Relationship With Obama
Is there something that Obama can learn from the "comeback kid"? Panetta, who also served as Clinton's chief of staff, thinks so. Despite concerns that the unprecedented day obstructionist tactic could hurt them in the election, concerns ultimately proven unfounded in the wake of the election results, the Republicans took back the presidency and maintained the Senate, which will likely result in a conservative Scalia-type judge filling the vacancy after all.
Obama's icy relationship with Congress: Can it ever thaw?
Repealing Obamacare and defunding Planned Parenthood. The free trade deal with Asia was supported by both President Obama and most congressional Republicans, seeming like a lock for passage in mid Then came the populist anti-trade uprisings of both Donald Trump on the right and Bernie Sanders on the left, warning that it would send American jobs overseas, effectively halting any momentum the legislation had.
Once then-frontrunner Hillary Clinton came out in opposition during fallit was all over. President Trump vows not to approve the TPP. This proposed pipeline was cited repeatedly by Republicans as Exhibit A of Obama refusing to greenlight job-creating projects, as Obama cited environmental issues as his primary concern in refusing to proceed with the project.
Obama's icy relationship with Congress: Can it ever thaw? - elecciones2013.info
It passed the Senate 62—36 and passed the House —but was unable to muster the two-thirds margin necessary to override an Obama veto. President Trump has pledged to approve the pipeline. The Email Privacy Act. If any bill in this past Congress seemingly had the numbers for enactment, it was this one. It would have closed a loophole in the status quo that allows a subpoena to be used by the government to attain electronic communications instead of a harder-to-get warrant.
Yet despite passing by a unanimous —0 in the House and having vocal support in the Senate, it never received a vote in the Senate at all. A constitutional amendment requiring a balanced budget. While every state except Vermont requires a balanced budget on a state level, there is no such requirement for the federal government. With that in mind, Sen.